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The initiatives he took against corruption were not very effective. To curb exaggerated displays of wealth, in he brought in a so-called " Regulation against pomp and splendour ", which tried to lay down exactly what wealth an officer could display. These details went from the number of buttonholes they could have to the size of their houses. Of course, the regulations did not apply to himself, and there was great feasting at his daughter's wedding.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article includes a list of references , related reading or external links , but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. June Learn how and when to remove this template message. Governors-General of the Dutch East Indies. A thesis judged to be of very good or excellent quality is a strong indicator that the student is fit for an academic career as researcher. Students select their own topic of research, and should consider their personal interests, professional expectations, disciplinary background, and the capacity of 4CITIES staff to supervise a certain topic.

The thesis should be a mix of theory and case-studies whereby students take full advantage of the European and comparative approach of the 4CITIES program. The thesis should consequently have a strong transnational and comparative angle. The thesis development process begins in Brussels with the selection of a topic and the pairing of students with supervisors.

A series of workshops are held in Vienna, leading to the presentation of an elaborated thesis proposal. Another seminar takes place in Madrid before the beginning of the fourth semester. Along the way, various deliverables and feedback from your supervisor will keep you on track. And of course the entire teaching staff is open to speaking with you about your thesis. The final draft of your thesis is due in June, with a public defence to be held in Vienna in early July.

On symbolic meaning of built university infrastructure and its interpretations by different users Anna Katharina Beyer.

Jacob Mossel

Cycling promotion in Post-socialist cities. A comparative study of practices of cycling promotion in Ljubljana and Budapest Victor Chironda. Mandy Eidson. Digital democratic innovation in Reykjavik and Madrid: an exploration into the democratic design of online platforms in the context of the economic and political crisis Katie Grigg. Socio-spatial identity-construction amongst international school students.

An ethnographic study of urban practices and preferences Thomas Kaye. Towards a Conceptual Framework Stephen Kent. The Importance of Playing in the City. Post-socialist strategic urban planning as the meeting point of traveling ideas and intertwined geographic imaginaries. The case of Sophia City Radoslava Kuneva. Queer Space: Inclusive or exclusive? The Politics of Occupation in the Neoliberal City.

Relationships between squatting movements and housing justice movements in London and Madrid Rowan Milligan. Towards Skateboard Urbanism? The Spaces of the In-Between. Contested identities in the divided city of Mostar Sara Ostojic. Displacement without placement. Metro stations in mega cities. Socio-spatial analysis and the evolution of intra urban mobility hubs Fausto Prezioso. Freegan practices for all: Towards institutionalisation, democratisation and appropriation.

Colonial Cities - Essays on Urbanism in a Colonial Context | R.J. Ross | Springer

Discursive dread. Towards Anti-Austerity Urbanism? Nazia Roushan. Livability — How and for Whom? Post-socialist City and the Grassroots: A comparative study of bottom-up initiatives reappropriating vacant spaces in Budapest and Prague Eva Esnerova. The institutionalisation of the dirt trail: User-driven urbanism in contested spaces Kai Giersberg. City marathons, street races and urban governance: Street running as a new urban experience Balint Horvath.

In the ports they were joined by Portuguese, Dutch, and English merchants, to name but a few of the groups present in the area when Batavia was established. After the Dutch gained control of the area, defeating the local rulers and the English, the population remained diverse, though Javanese were for the most part excluded from trading.

Javanese and other islanders, Chinese, Indian, and non-Dutch Europeans, made up the vast majority of the population of Batavia. A survey showed some 27, people living within the city walls, of which approximately 2, were Dutch, were Eurasian, 2, were Chinese, 5, were of Indian descent, 3, were from Java and the rest of the archipelago, and 13, were slaves of unnamed origin. Among the ten percent of the population that was considered Dutch in this survey there remained a great deal of diversity of origin and social status. No non-Dutch Europeans are included as residents according to this survey, which does not reflect the actual situation—these were likely folded into the Dutch group.

Looking at the nationalities of a group of VOC soldiers gives us some insight into the ethnic make-up of this ten-percent Dutch population. In , of soldiers in Batavia, only 57 were Dutch, while the remaining sixty percent were German, Swiss, English, Scottish, Danish, Flemish, Walloon, and of unknown nationality. The Dutch group additionally included people considered undesirable or degenerate.

Sailors and soldiers, who had a very low status in Dutch accounts of the period, made up a large portion of this group. The apparent laxity in what constituted Dutch ethnicity—one did not need to speak Dutch, need never have resided in or visited the Netherlands, in fact required no distinct ties to the Republic—contrasts with the divisions enforced upon the Asian and enslaved populations. The location of the various ethnic groups of Batavia in the city shows the role of the built environment in maintaining divisions between the non-Dutch residents of the city.

Essays on Urbanism in a Colonial Context

De Haan describes historic Batavia in minute detail in this work published in celebration of the three-hundred-year anniversary of the founding of Batavia. His passing mention of certain zones as the location of different ethnic groups is both a reflection of his historical research and the accretion of years of place memory in Batavia—ethnic divisions unseen to present researchers in decolonized Jakarta.

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Within chapters describing the founding of the city, the streets and walls, the different ethnic groups, and even the furniture of Batavia, De Haan inadvertently also describes the separation of the people of the city into distinct quarters. Moors lived and worked to the north of the Leeuwinnengracht. Wealthy residents chose open tree-lined canals. Yet, for residents within the walls, the barriers and divisions were porous. Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century, as the canals silted up and grew stinky and diseased, the wealthy Europeans moved north of the city environs, building villas rather than townhouses.

The historic city core became a place for low-income residents who could not afford the healthier countryside. The result was a further separation within the social hierarchy of Batavia. Changes in the city between its initial completion and the late eighteenth century are apparent by comparing the maps of and , representing two thorough land surveys see figs. The enslaved and Chinese populations were consolidated outside of the city walls, to the south, in sections isolated by canals and very few bridges, and separated from the city center by the wall. By , the central canal of Batavia was bridged more regularly, perhaps because the most threatening populations had been moved outside the walls.

This allowed mobility within the city to become slightly freer. An interesting change, relevant to the sumptuary laws, is the expansion of the parade ground between the city and the fort, and the plaza in front of the town hall Stadhuis , built —10 in the southeast quarter. City ordinances of and regulating modes of transportation and procession underscore the importance of parading through space as a way for Batavians to express themselves, regardless of whether it was appropriate to their rank. As we have seen, the dominant group in Batavia seldom blatantly demonstrated their position above the other population groups, preferring to let the built environment more subtly shape the hierarchy.

The Chinese Massacre of was a crucial exception. Some Chinese merchants rose to high positions, living among the European wealthy on the fashionable canals. In , select Chinese citizens were accorded the right to walk with a parasol-bearing servant, suggesting that class distinctions similar to those among the Dutch Batavians had developed.

But after , they were forced into a homogenized ethnic neighborhood, separated from the rest of the city by a wall and canal. The household slaves generally lived behind the house of the master. Housed in the fort, they were kept in chains and did heavy manual labor, much of it dangerous, like the digging and dredging of canals.

Kulis unskilled laborers owned by citizens of Batavia lived in the slave quarter south of the city walls, where they were later joined by the skilled laborers. In , the chained slaves were also moved to the slave quarter, when this became a quarter for all types of slaves, and the divisions among their laboring status became blurred. This also ensured that a fortified wall stood between the slaves and the fashionable Tijgersgracht. After heading north from the slave quarter, he would have crossed a drawbridge and passed through the Nieuwe Poort New Gate see fig.

Crossing a bridge over a canal, he would then have headed east toward the workshops, staying off the sidewalks that were forbidden to him, which further shaped his experience of the city plan. He would have retraced this path at the end of the workday, when the gate and drawbridge were closed behind him, protecting the city residents from any threat of slave revolt.


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Rather than evoking feelings of connections to the Dutch Republic, the canals for this slave would have been a barrier to movement, directing his path to and from work and residence. Social divisions between ethnic groups contributed to the sense of separation of both free and enslaved groups. The VOC promoted ethnic divisions among slaves to secure the city against slave uprisings. Despite their shared living area after , the slaves remained divided by origin, religion, and status.

Ethnic divisions were maintained among the slaves in large part because of European perceptions of the specific skills of each group and the relative risks presented by a particular group. Certain groups were prohibited because of a perception that they were dangerous: male slaves from Bali were avoided because of their tendency to run amok. The VOC also issued ordinances about who might own a slave and which religion that slave might practice. Not surprisingly, those ordinances served to maintain a hierarchy among slave owners, with Dutch Christians at the top.

This was a locally derived practice, in which each ethnic group controlled its own neighborhood, led by an officer chosen from among the population. While empowering a group to partially self-govern, in effect this kept people from interacting or transferring among groups, by maintaining linguistic and ethnic divisions between populations. The segregation of this population, fostered by the division of the city by unbridged canals and walls, is for the most part obscured by this lively gathering.

The attempt by this group to demonstrate their dominance over others led to assertions of superiority within the allegedly cohesive Dutch group. Some manifestations of this hierarchy, such as the parasol, appear to have been adopted from the local population. However, only some specifics of this behavior can be attributed to local customs, for the preoccupation with hierarchy was utterly Dutch.

At home, too, wealthy merchants expressed their higher social position by wearing costly dress, albeit in sober and unadorned black, ostensibly to demonstrate their lack of concern with that status. She is preparing a manuscript on the global legacy of the Dutch golden age. I would additionally like to thank the editor and anonymous reviewers at JHNA, as well as Julie Hochstrasser, whose comments were indispensible in shaping the final form of this article. Melissa Mednicov and Mike Lorr also provided invaluable advice on this manuscript.

It should be noted that sumptuary laws were rarely imposed in the Dutch Republic. Kees Zandvliet discusses the identification of the figures, and possible alternatives. Kees Zandvliet, ed. See Homi K. Russell Ferguson et al. Cambridge, Mass. Greer, Walter D. Mignolo, and Maureen Quilligan, eds. This reference, 4—5. It is interesting to note that the sumptuary laws became necessary after the city and the VOC began their slow decline.

Jacobs shows that the VOC was too inflexible to accommodate these changes in supply and demand. Els M. Because of new saltwater ponds established along the shore of Batavia, a strain of malaria began affecting new arrivals in the city; the mortality of VOC employees increased from six percent within the first year of arrival to fifty percent beginning in This incredible strain on the employees of the VOC meant that the company dramatically increased the number of employees they recruited and sent to the East.

This cost the VOC terribly and destroyed the profitability of the company in the eighteenth century. Peter H. Kees Grijns and Peter J. Accessed September 2, Linda M. A comparison to the contemporary Dutch colonial city of New Amsterdam New York shows a distinct difference in levels of planning: New Amsterdam developed organically, not following a grid, while Batavia was planned from its inception.

Robert J. Ross and Gerard J. The map illustrated here was published in , after being redrafted in by copying the version. Both the and versions exist in multiple copies, published throughout the following centuries. This map was produced directly after the establishment of the sumptuary laws outlawing the wearing of jewels or golden costume refinements for all but the highest-ranking VOC officials.

He oversaw the building of a large English-style green south of Batavia, which shaped the suburb, Weltevreden, that grew up around it, resulting in the city having a different urban footprint than Dutch Batavia. On Dutch buildings in Batavia and across their global empire, see C. Temminck Groll, ed. Temminck Groll asserts that these forms must derive locally.

Colonialism

I have argued elsewhere that some of the Dutch-style buildings in the background of city views in this volume were added by the Amsterdam-based engravers of the drawings provided by Nieuhof, as a kind of architectural staffage that stands in for Dutch building types. The Spanish Laws of the Indies, issued by the crown, purportedly set out a city plan to be imposed on Spanish colonies, though a closer look at the original text shows that this document is mostly concerned with the site and government of these cities, and calls for a grid city with a central plaza, but further details are lacking for instance, no plan is provided.

Like Dutch colonial cities, Spanish colonial cities were usually built on a rectangular grid, but they did not incorporate waterways and were less concerned with enabling trade through careful connections to the harbor. The Spanish colonies were more overtly concerned with maintaining royal and religious authority through a top-down implementation of urban planning.

Crouch, Daniel J. Garr, and Axel I. Lombaerde and C. I consulted the copy held in the Newberry Library, Chicago. Ernst Crone and trans. Dikshoorn Amsterdam: C. See F.


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Van Oers points out four specifically Dutch features of this plan: the integrative role of water, the centrality of trade rather than the royal house, the attention to social and public functions, and religious tolerance as shown by the five church plots the central one would belong to the state religion, but the other four could be purposed as befitted the population.

Hierarchy is an aspect that Ron van Oers downplays in his analysis, including it as a subargument to his larger point about the importance of water control for this city. He argues further that the primary concern of the grid in its military application is flexibility in relation to the landscape and the temporality of the arrangement, which is useful for understanding the development of colonial cities.

Spiro Kostof criticizes E. Accessed December 20, Anthony D. When a Dutch man married an Asian woman legally, she and their children became Dutch citizens, though they were restricted from relocating to the Dutch Republic. Also note that despite the divisions introduced in the Asian populations of the city, Dutchmen drew their wives from all different quarters. Cooper and Stoler, — Jan Breman et al. Taylor, Social World , Indeed, many Dutch Batavians attained wealth only by violating the VOC monopoly, essentially, smuggling, so the financial support for ostentatious behavior was also gained by violating established Dutch custom.

This designation appears to refer to the Malabar Coast of India, and this group had come to Batavia through Portuguese enslavement by way of Malacca. Anthony Reid St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, , In the legislation following the massacre, it is clear that the government of Batavia feared violence from the Chinese. The law of Nov. This is labeled as such on many maps, as can be seen in Figure 7. European slavery in Asia is rarely discussed, in large part because it is perceived to be a less extreme and encompassing enslavement than the Atlantic slave trade. Pieter C.

The dredging of silted canals claimed the lives of 16, of these chained workers, as they performed the labor of making the city Dutch with its ill-fated canals, doubly reinforcing their own low status.

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Slaves were also required to walk alongside horses that they were transporting, rather than riding them. For example, slaves from Malacca were perceived to be excellent craftsmen, and slaves from Africa were thought of as strong miners. Abeyasekere, Susan.

Lucia: University of Queensland Press, Jakarta: A History. Abrahamse, Jaap Evert. De Grote Uitleg van Amsterdam: Stadsontwikkeling in de zeventiende eeuw. Bussum: Thoth, Andrzejewski, Anna Vemer. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, Bhabha, Homi K. Bhabha, Homi. Berkeley: University of California Press, Blusse, Leonard.

Telkamp, 65— Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, Brug, Peter H. Nas, 43— Castles, Lance. Chattopadhyay, Swati. London: Routledge, Chijs, Jacobus Anne van der. Nederlandsch-Indisch Plakaatboek.